✎✎✎ Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium

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Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium



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The Complete History of Belgium - From Years to Minutes (Ep 1)

The new party worked in cooperation with another regionalist group, the Northern People's Party. When these two regional parties walked out of discussions on a new constitution, the CPP feared that London might consider such disunity an indication that the colony was not yet ready for the next phase of self-government. The British constitutional adviser, however, backed the CPP position. The governor dissolved the assembly in order to test popular support for the CPP demand for immediate independence. In keenly contested elections, the CPP won 57 percent of the votes cast, but the fragmentation of the opposition gave the CPP every seat in the south as well as enough seats in Ashanti, the Northern Territories, and the Trans-Volta Region to hold a two-thirds majority by winning 72 of the seats.

The dominant ethnic group, the Ewe people , were divided between the two Togos. Wallace-Johnson of Sierra Leone. The Indian and Pakistani independence catalysed this desire. Some external forces also contributed to this feeling. African-Americans such as W. Sir Alan Burns constitution of provided new legislative council that was made of the Governor as the President, 6 government officials, 6 nominated members and 18 elected members.

The executive council was not responsible to the legislative council. They were only in advisory capacity, and the governor did not have to take notice. These forces made Dr J. They rejected the Burns constitution amendment of a number of its clauses. It also granted a voice to chiefs and their tribal councils by providing for the creation of regional assemblies. No bill amending the entrenched clauses of the constitution or affecting the powers of the regional bodies or the privileges of the chiefs could become law except by a two-thirds vote of the National Assembly and by simple majority approval in two-thirds of the regional assemblies.

The electoral victory of the CCP in ushered in five years of power-sharing with the British. The economy prospered, with a high global demand and rising prices for cocoa. The efficiency of the Cocoa Marketing Board enabled the large profits to be spent on development of the infrastructure. There were uniforms, parades, new patriotic songs, and the presentation of an ideal citizenship in which all citizens learned that there their primary duty was to the state. On August 3, , the new assembly passed a motion authorizing the government to request independence within the British Commonwealth.

The British government accepted this motion as clearly representing a reasonable majority, so on 18 September the British set 6 March , the th anniversary of the Bond of , as the date that the Gold Coast , Ashanti , the Northern Territories and British Togoland would together become a unified, independent dominion within the British Commonwealth of Nations under the name Ghana. Dominion status would continue until , when after a national referendum , Ghana was declared a Republic. The Second Development Plan of — followed the Soviet model, and shifted away from expanding state services toward raising productivity in the key sectors. Nkrumah believe that colonialism had twisted personalities, imposing a competitive, individualistic and bourgeois mentality that had to be eliminated.

Worldwide cocoa prices began to fall, budgets were cut, and workers were called upon for more and more self sacrifice to overcome neocolonialism. On the domestic front, Nkrumah believed that rapid modernization of industries and communications was necessary and that it could be achieved if the workforce were completely Africanized and educated. Even more important, however, Nkrumah believed that this domestic goal could be achieved faster if it were not hindered by reactionary politicians—elites in the opposition parties and traditional chiefs—who might compromise with Western imperialists.

Indeed, the enemies could be anywhere and dissent was not tolerated. Nkrumah discussed his political views in his numerous writings, especially in Africa Must Unite and in NeoColonialism These writings show the impact of his stay in Britain in the mids. Western countries with colonial histories were identified as the exploiters. Nkrumah asserted that even the United States, which had never colonized any part of Africa, was in an advantageous position to exploit independent Africa unless preventive efforts were taken.

According to Nkrumah, his government, which represented the first black African nation to win Independence, had an important role to play in the struggle against capitalist interests on the continent. But Nkrumah needed strategies to pursue his goals. On the continental level, Nkrumah sought to unite Africa so that it could defend its international economic interests and stand up against the political pressures from East and West that were a result of the Cold War. The CIA believed that Nkrumah's government provided money and training for pro-socialist guerrillas in Ghana, aided after by the Chinese Communist government. Several hundred trainees passed through this program, administered by Nkrumah's Bureau of African Affairs, and were sent on to countries such as Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, Niger and Congo.

When Nkrumah was criticized for paying little attention to Ghana or for wasting national resources in supporting external programmes, he reversed the argument and accused his opponents of being short-sighted. The heavy financial burdens created by Nkrumah's development policies and pan-African adventures created new sources of opposition. With the presentation in July of the country's first austerity budget, Ghana's workers and farmers became aware of and critical of the cost to them of Nkrumah's programmes. Their reaction set the model for the protests over taxes and benefits that were to dominate Ghanaian political crises for the next thirty years.

CPP backbenchers and UP representatives in the National Assembly sharply criticized the government's demand for increased taxes and, particularly, for a forced savings programme. Nkrumah's public demands for an end to corruption in the government and the party further undermined popular faith in the national government. A drop in the price paid to cocoa farmers by the government marketing board aroused resentment among a segment of the population that had always been Nkrumah's major opponent. Nkrumah's complete domination of political power had served to isolate lesser leaders, leaving each a real or imagined challenger to the ruler. After opposition parties were crushed, opponents came only from within the CPP hierarchy.

Among its members was Tawia Adamafio , an Accra politician. Later, Adamafio was appointed minister of state for presidential affairs, the most important post in the president's staff at Flagstaff House, which gradually became the centre for all decision making and much of the real administrative machinery for both the CPP and the government. Neither, however, proved to have any power other than that granted to them by the president. By , however, the young and more radical members of the CPP leadership, led by Adamafio, had gained ascendancy over the original CPP leaders like Gbedemah.

T Madjitey, from Asite in Manya-Krobo was also relieved of his post. The CPP newspapers charged them with complicity in the assassination attempt, offering as evidence only the fact that they had all chosen to ride in cars far behind the president's when the bomb was thrown. For more than a year, the trial of the alleged plotters of the assassination attempt occupied centre stage. The accused were brought to trial before the three-judge court for state security, headed by the chief justice, Sir Arku Korsah.

When the court acquitted the accused, Nkrumah used his constitutional prerogative to dismiss Korsah. A new court, with a jury chosen by Nkrumah, found all the accused guilty and sentenced them to death. These sentences, however, were commuted to twenty years' imprisonment. Corruption had highly deleterious effects. It removed money from the active economy and put it in the hands of the political parties, and Nkrumah's friends and family, so it became an obstacle to economic growth. In early , in order to prevent future challenges from the judiciary and after another national referendum , Nkrumah obtained a constitutional amendment allowing him to dismiss any judge. Ghana officially became a one-party state and an act of parliament ensured that there would be only one candidate for president.

At the time, Nkrumah was in China. He took up asylum in Guinea, where he remained until he died in Leaders of the military coup justified their takeover by charging that the CPP administration was abusive and corrupt, that Nkrumah's involvement in African politics was overly aggressive, and that the nation lacked democratic practices. All symbols and organizations linked to Nkrumah and he quickly vanished, such as the Young Pioneers.

The problems of the Busia administration, the country's first elected government after Nkrumah's fall, illustrated the problems Ghana would continue to face. Central Intelligence Agency; [] []. The National Liberation Council NLC , composed of four army officers and four police officers, assumed executive power. Political parties were allowed to operate beginning in late Overall, the PP gained 59 percent of the popular vote and 74 percent of the seats in the National Assembly. Gbedemah, who was soon barred from taking his National Assembly seat by a Supreme Court decision, retired from politics, leaving the NAL without a strong leader.

PP leader Busia became prime minister in September After a brief period under an interim three-member presidential commission, the electoral college chose as president Chief Justice Edward Akufo-Addo , one of the leading nationalist politicians of the UGCC era and one of the judges dismissed by Nkrumah in All attention, however, remained focused on Prime Minister Busia and his government. Much was expected of the Busia administration, because its parliamentarians were considered intellectuals and, therefore, more perceptive in their evaluations of what needed to be done. In fact, these were the same individuals who had suffered under the old regime and were, therefore, thought to understand the benefits of democracy. Two early measures initiated by the Busia government were the expulsion of large numbers of non-citizens from the country and a companion measure to limit foreign involvement in small businesses.

Busia's decision to introduce a loan programme for university students, who had hitherto received free education, was challenged because it was interpreted as introducing a class system into the country's highest institutions of learning. Some observers even saw Busia's devaluation of the national currency and his encouragement of foreign investment in the industrial sector of the economy as conservative ideas that could undermine Ghana's sovereignty. The opposition Justice Party's basic policies did not differ significantly from those of the Busia administration.

The JP and a growing number of PP members favoured suspension of payment on some foreign debts of the Nkrumah era. Both parties favoured creation of a West African economic community or an economic union with the neighboring West African states. Despite broad popular support garnered at its inception and strong foreign connections, the Busia government fell victim to an army coup within twenty-seven months. Neither ethnic nor class differences played a role in the overthrow of the PP government. The crucial causes were the country's continuing economic difficulties, both those stemming from the high foreign debts incurred by Nkrumah and those resulting from internal problems.

Within the country, an even larger internal debt fueled inflation. Ghana's economy remained largely dependent upon the often difficult cultivation of and market for cocoa. Cocoa prices had always been volatile, but exports of this tropical crop normally provided about half of the country's foreign currency earnings. Beginning in the s, however, a number of factors combined to limit severely this vital source of national income.

As a result, Ghana's income from cocoa exports continued to fall dramatically. Austerity measures imposed by the Busia administration, although wise in the long run, alienated influential farmers, who until then had been PP supporters. These measures were part of Busia's economic structural adjustment efforts to put the country on a sounder financial base.

The austerity programmes had been recommended by the International Monetary Fund. These measures precipitated protests from the Trade Union Congress. In response, the government sent the army to occupy the trade union headquarters and to block strike actions—a situation that some perceived as negating the government's claim to be operating democratically. The army troops and officers upon whom Busia relied for support were themselves affected, both in their personal lives and in the tightening of the defense budget, by these same austerity measures. Knowing that austerity had alienated the officers, the Busia government began to change the leadership of the army's combat elements. Despite its short existence, the Second Republic was significant in that the development problems the nation faced came clearly into focus.

Acheampong's National Redemption Council NRC claimed that it had to act to remove the ill effects of the currency devaluation of the previous government and thereby, at least in the short run, to improve living conditions for individual Ghanaians. The NRC sought to create a truly military government and did not outline any plan for the return of the nation to democratic rule. In matters of economic policy, Busia's austerity measures were reversed, the Ghanaian currency was revalued upward, foreign debt was repudiated or unilaterally rescheduled, and all large foreign-owned companies were nationalized. Any economic successes were overridden by other basic economic factors.

Industry and transportation suffered greatly as oil prices rose in , and the lack of foreign exchange and credit left the country without fuel. Disillusionment with the government developed, and accusations of corruption began to surface. Little input from the civilian sector was allowed, and military officers were put in charge of all ministries and state enterprises down to the local level. Shortly after that time, the government sought to stifle opposition by issuing a decree forbidding the propagation of rumors and by banning a number of independent newspapers and detaining their journalists.

The self-appointed Ashanti General I. Acheampong seemed to have much sympathy for women than his ailing economic policies. Import licenses were given out to friends and ethnic affiliates with impunity. The SMC by found itself constrained by mounting [] non-violent opposition. To be sure, discussions about the nation's political future and its relationship to the SMC had begun in earnest. Supporters of the union government idea viewed multiparty political contests as the perpetrators of social tension and community conflict am [] ong classes, regions, and ethnic groups.

Unionists argued that their plan had the potential to depoliticize public life and to allow the nation to concentrate its energies on economic problems. A national referendum was held in March to allow the people to accept or reject the union government concept. A rejection of the union government meant a continuation of military rule. Given this choice, it was surprising that so narrow a margin voted in favour of union government.

The Acheampong government reacted by banning several organizations and by jailing as many as of its opponents. The agenda for change in the union government referendum called for the drafting of a new constitution by an SMC-appointed commission, the selection of a constituent assembly by November , and general elections in June The ad hoc committee had recommended a nonparty election, an elected executive president, and a cabinet whose members would be drawn from outside a single-house National Assembly. The military council would then step down, although its members could run for office as individuals. The SMC apparently acted in response to continuing pressure to find a solution to the country's economic dilemma. Inflation was estimated to be as high as percent that year.

There were shortages of basic commodities, and cocoa production fell to half its peak. Akuffo, the new SMC chairman, promised publicly to hand over political power to a new government to be elected by 1st July, Despite Akuffo's assurances, opposition to the SMC persisted. The call for the formation of political parties intensified. In an effort to gain support in the face of continuing strikes over economic and political issues, the Akuffo government at length announced that the formation of political parties would be allowed after January The constitutional assembly that had been working on a new constitution presented an approved draft and adjourned in May.

All appeared set for a new attempt at constitutional government in July, when a group of young army officers overthrew the SMC government in June On 15th May , less than five weeks before constitutional elections were to be held, a group of junior officers led by Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings attempted a coup. Initially unsuccessful, the coup leaders were jailed and held for court-martial. On 4th June, however, sympathetic military officers overthrew the Akuffo regime and released Rawlings and his cohorts from prison fourteen days before the scheduled election. Naomi Chazan , a leading analyst of Ghanaian politics, aptly assessed the significance of the coup in the following statement: [].

Unlike the initial SMC II [the Akuffo period, —] rehabilitation effort which focused on the power elite, this second attempt at reconstruction from a situation of disintegration was propelled by growing alienation. It strove, by reforming the guidelines of public behavior, to define anew the state power structure and to revise its inherent social obligations The armed forces were purged of senior officers accused of corrupting the image of the military.

In carrying out its goal, however, the AFRC was caught between two groups with conflicting interests, Chazan observed. These included the "soldier-supporters of the AFRC who were happy to lash out at all manifestations of the old regimes; and the now organized political parties who decried the undue violence and advocated change with restraint. Despite the coup and the subsequent executions of former heads of military governments Afrifa of the NLC; Acheampong and some of his associates of the NRC; and Akuffo and leading members of the SMC , the planned elections took place, and Ghana had returned to constitutional rule by the end of September Before power was granted to the elected government, however, the AFRC sent the unambiguous message that "people dealing with the public, in whatever capacity, are subject to popular supervision, must abide by fundamental notions of probity, and have an obligation to put the good of the community above personal objective.

The administration of Hilla Limann, inaugurated on 24th September, , at the beginning of the Third Republic, was thus expected to measure up to the new standard advocated by the AFRC. The opposition Popular Front Party PFP won forty-two seats, while twenty-six elective positions were distributed among three lesser parties. The percentage of the electorate that voted had fallen to 40 percent.

Unlike the country's previous elected leaders, Limann was a former diplomat and a noncharismatic figure with no personal following. As Limann himself observed, the ruling PNP included people of conflicting ideological orientations. They sometimes disagreed strongly among themselves on national policies. Many observers, therefore, wondered whether the new government was equal to the task confronting the state. The most immediate threat to the Limann administration, however, was the AFRC, especially those officers who organized themselves into the "June 4th Movement" to monitor the civilian administration.

In an effort to keep the AFRC from looking over its shoulder, the government ordered Rawlings and several other army and police officers associated with the AFRC into retirement; nevertheless, Rawlings and his associates remained a latent threat, particularly as the economy continued its decline. The Trade Union Congress claimed that its workers were no longer earning enough to pay for food, let alone anything else. A rash of strikes, many considered illegal by the government, resulted, each one lowering productivity and therefore national income. In September the government announced that all striking public workers would be dismissed. These factors rapidly eroded the limited support the Limann government enjoyed among civilians and soldiers.

The government fell on 31st December, , in another Rawlings-led coup. Rawlings and his colleagues suspended the constitution, dismissed the president and his cabinet, dissolved the parliament, and proscribed existing political parties. They established the Provisional National Defense Council PNDC , initially composed of seven members with Rawlings as chairman, to exercise executive and legislative powers. The PNDC proclaimed its intent to allow the people to exercise political power through defense committees to be established in communities, workplaces, and in units of the armed forces and police. In December , the PNDC announced a plan to decentralize government from Accra to the regions, the districts, and local communities, but it maintained overall control by appointing regional and district secretaries who exercised executive powers and also chaired regional and district councils.

Local councils, however, were expected progressively to take over the payment of salaries, with regions and districts assuming more powers from the national government. The commission issued a "Blue Book" in July outlining modalities for district-level elections, which were held in late and early , for newly created district assemblies. One-third of the assembly members are appointed by the government. The new government that took power on 31st December, , was the eighth in the fifteen years since the fall of Nkrumah.

Despite its military connections, the PNDC made it clear that it was unlike other soldier-led governments. This was immediately proved by the appointment of fifteen civilians to cabinet positions. In a radio broadcast on 5th January, , Rawlings presented a detailed statement explaining the factors that had necessitated termination of the Third Republic. Rather, he "wanted a chance for the people, farmers, workers, soldiers, the rich and the poor, to be part of the decision-making process.

It was for that reason that the takeover was not a military coup, but rather a "holy war" that would involve the people in the transformation of the socioeconomic structure of the society. Opposition to the PNDC administration developed nonetheless in different sectors of the political spectrum. They argued that the Third Republic had not been given time to prove itself and that the PNDC administration was unconstitutional.

Further opposition came from the Ghana Bar Association GBA , which criticized the government's use of people's tribunals in the administration of justice. The National Union of Ghanaian Students NUGS went even farther, calling on the government to hand over power to the attorney general, who would supervise new elections. By the end of June , an attempted coup had been discovered, and those implicated had been executed.

Many who disagreed with the PNDC administration were driven into exile, where they began organizing their opposition. They accused the government of human rights abuses and political intimidation, which forced the country, especially the press, into a "culture of silence. Meanwhile, the PNDC was subjected to the influence of contrasting political philosophies and goals. Although the revolutionary leaders agreed on the need for radical change, they differed on the means of achieving it. For example, John Ndebugre, secretary for agriculture in the PNDC government, who was later appointed northern regional secretary governor , belonged to the radical Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guard, an extreme left-wing organization that advocated a Marxist—Leninist course for the PNDC.

Obeng, and Kwesi Botchwey, were believed to be united only by their determination either to uplift the country from its desperate conditions or to protect themselves from vocal opposition. In keeping with Rawlings's commitment to populism as a political principle, the PNDC began to form governing coalitions and institutions that would incorporate the populace at large into the machinery of the national government. Public tribunals, which were established outside the normal legal system, were also created to try those accused of antigovernment acts.

And a four-week workshop aimed at making these cadres morally and intellectually prepared for their part in the revolution was completed at the University of Ghana, Legon, in July and August The aggressiveness of certain WDCs, it was argued, interfered with management's ability to make the bold decisions needed for the recovery of the national economy. With regard to public boards and statutory corporations, excluding banks and financial institutions, Joint Consultative Committees JCCs that acted as advisory bodies to managing directors were created.

The public tribunals, however, despite their characterization as undemocratic by the GBA, were maintained. Although the tribunals had been established in , the law providing for the creation of a national public tribunal to hear and determine appeals from, and decisions of, regional public tribunals was not passed until August Section 3 and Section 10 of the PNDC Establishment Proclamation limited public tribunals to cases of a political and an economic nature. The tribunals, however, were not abolished; rather, they were defended as "fundamental to a good legal system" that needed to be maintained in response to "growing legal consciousness on the part of the people.

At the time when the foundations of these sociopolitical institutions were being laid, the PNDC was also engaged in a debate about how to finance the reconstruction of the national economy. The country had indeed suffered from what some described as the excessive and unwise, if not foolish, expenditures of the Nkrumah regime. By December , when the PNDC came to power, the inflation rate topped percent, while real GDP had declined by 3 percent per annum for seven years.

Not only cocoa production but even diamonds and timber exports had dropped dramatically. Gold production had also fallen to half its preindependence level. Ghana's sorry economic condition, according to the PNDC, had resulted in part from the absence of good political leadership. In fact, as early as the AFRC administration in , Rawlings and his associates had accused three former military leaders generals Afrifa, Acheampong, and Akuffo of corruption and greed and of thereby contributing to the national crisis and had executed them on the basis of this accusation. The overthrow of the Limann administration by the PNDC in was an attempt to prevent another inept administration from aggravating an already bad economic situation.

By implication, the way to resolve some of the problems was to stabilize the political situation and to improve the economic conditions of the nation radically. At the end of its first year in power, the PNDC announced a four-year programme of economic austerity and sacrifice that was to be the first phase of an Economic Recovery Programme ERP. If the economy were to improve significantly, there was need for a large injection of capital—a resource that could only be obtained from international financial institutions of the West. There were those on the PNDC's ideological left, however, who rejected consultation with such agencies because these institutions were blamed in part for the nation's predicament.

Precisely because some members of the government also held such views, the PNDC secretary for finance and economic planning, Kwesi Botchwey, felt the need to justify World Bank see Glossary assistance to Ghana in []. It would be naive and unrealistic for certain sections of the Ghanaian society to think that the request for economic assistance from the World Bank and its affiliates means a sell-out of the aims and objectives of the Ghanaian revolution to the international community It does not make sense for the country to become a member of the bank and the IMF and continue to pay its dues only to decline to utilize the resources of these two institutions.

The PNDC recognized that it could not depend on friendly nations such as Libya to address the economic problems of Ghana. The magnitude of the crisis—made worse by widespread bush fires that devastated crop production in — and by the return of more than one million Ghanaians who had been expelled from Nigeria in , which had intensified the unemployment situation—called for monetary assistance from institutions with bigger financial chests. Phase One of the ERP began in Its goal was economic stability. In broad terms, the government wanted to reduce inflation and to create confidence in the nation's ability to recover. By progress was clearly evident. The rate of inflation had dropped to 20 percent, and between and , Ghana's economy reportedly grew at 6 percent per year.

With these accomplishments in place, the PNDC inaugurated Phase Two of the ERP, which envisioned privatization of state-owned assets, currency devaluation, and increased savings and investment, and which was to continue until One commentator noted the high rate of Ghanaian unemployment as a result of the belt-tightening policies of the PNDC. In the absence of employment or redeployment policies to redress such problems, he wrote, the effects of the austerity programmes might create circumstances that could derail the PNDC recovery agenda. The PNDC initially espoused a populist programme that appealed to a wide variety of rural and urban constituents.

Even so, the PNDC was the object of significant criticism from various groups that in one way or another called for a return to constitutional government. Much of this criticism came from student organizations, the GBA, and opposition groups in self-imposed exile, who questioned the legitimacy of the military government and its declared intention of returning the country to constitutional rule. So vocal was the outcry against the PNDC that it appeared on the surface as if the PNDC enjoyed little support among those groups who had historically moulded and influenced Ghanaian public opinion. At a time when difficult policies were being implemented, the PNDC could ill afford the continued alienation and opposition of such prominent critics.

By the mids, therefore, it had become essential that the PNDC demonstrate that it was actively considering steps towards constitutionalism and civilian rule. This was true notwithstanding the recognition of Rawlings as an honest leader and the perception that the situation he was trying to redress was not of his creation. To move in the desired direction, the PNDC needed to weaken the influence and credibility of all antagonistic groups while it created the necessary political structures that would bring more and more Ghanaians into the process of national reconstruction.

The PNDC's solution to its dilemma was the proposal for district assemblies. Annan, himself a member of the ruling council, was appointed chairman. According to its mandate, the NCD was to devise a viable democratic system, utilizing public discussions. Annan explained the necessity for the commission's work by arguing that the political party system of the past lost track of the country's socio-economic development processes. There was the need, therefore, to search for a new political order that would be functionally democratic. Constitutional rules of the past were not acceptable to the new revolutionary spirit, Annan continued, which saw the old political order as using the ballot box "merely to ensure that politicians got elected into power, after which communication between the electorate and their elected representative completely broke down.

After two years of deliberations and public hearings, the NCD recommended the formation of district assemblies as local governing institutions that would offer opportunities to the ordinary person to become involved in the political process. The PNDC scheduled elections of the proposed assemblies for the last quarter of If, as Rawlings said, the PNDC revolution was a "holy war," then the proposed assemblies were part of a PNDC policy intended to annihilate enemy forces or, at least, to reduce them to impotence. The strategy was to deny the opposition a legitimate political forum within which it could articulate its objections to the government. It was for this reason, as much as it was for those stated by Annan, that a five-member District Assembly Committee was created in each of the nation's administrative districts and was charged by the NCD with ensuring that all candidates followed electoral rules.

The district committees were to disqualify automatically any candidate who had a record of criminal activity, insanity, or imprisonment involving fraud or electoral offenses in the past, especially after Also barred from elections were all professionals accused of fraud, dishonesty, and malpractice. The ban on political parties, instituted at the time of the Rawlings coup, was to continue. By barring candidates associated with corruption and mismanagement of national resources from running for district assembly positions, the PNDC hoped to establish new values to govern political behaviour in Ghana. To do so effectively, the government also made it illegal for candidates to mount campaign platforms other than the one defined by the NCD.

Every person qualified to vote in the district could propose candidates or be nominated as a candidate. Candidates could not be nominated by organizations and associations but had to run for district office on the basis of personal qualifications and service to their communities. Once in session, an assembly was to become the highest political authority in each district. Assembly members were to be responsible for deliberation, evaluation, coordination, and implementation of programmes accepted as appropriate for the district's economic development; however, district assemblies were to be subject to the general guidance and direction of the central government.

To ensure that district developments were in line with national policies, one-third of assembly members were to be traditional authorities chiefs or their representatives; these members were to be approved by the PNDC in consultation with the traditional authorities and other "productive economic groups in the district. District assemblies as outlined in PNDC documents were widely discussed by friends and foes of the government. Some hailed the proposal as compatible with the goal of granting the people opportunities to manage their own affairs, but others especially those of the political right accused the government of masking its intention to remain in power.

If the government's desire for democracy were genuine, a timetable for national elections should have been its priority rather than the preoccupation with local government, they argued. Some questioned the wisdom of incorporating traditional chiefs and the degree to which these traditional leaders would be committed to the district assembly idea, while others attacked the election guidelines as undemocratic and, therefore, as contributing to a culture of silence in Ghana.

To such critics, the district assemblies were nothing but a move by the PNDC to consolidate its position. Rawlings, however, responded to such criticism by restating the PNDC strategy and the rationale behind it: []. Steps towards more formal political participation are being taken through the district-level elections that we will be holding throughout the country as part of our decentralisation policy. As I said in my nationwide broadcast on December 31, if we are to see a sturdy tree of democracy grow, we need to learn from the past and nurture very carefully and deliberately political institutions that will become the pillars upon which the people's power will be erected.

A new sense of responsibility must be created in each workplace, each village, each district; we already see elements of this in the work of the CDRs, the December 31 Women's Movement, the June 4 Movement, Town and Village Development Committees, and other organizations through which the voice of the people is being heard. As for the categorization of certain PNDC policies as "leftist" and "rightist," Rawlings dismissed such allegations as "remarkably simplistic … What is certain is that we are moving forward! Rawlings's explanation notwithstanding, various opposition groups continued to describe the PNDC-proposed district assemblies as a mere public relations ploy designed to give political legitimacy to a government that had come to power by unconstitutional means.

Longtime observers of the Ghanaian political scene, however, identified two major issues at stake in the conflict between the government and its critics: the means by which political stability was to be achieved, and the problem of attaining sustained economic growth. Both had preoccupied the country since the era of Nkrumah. The economic recovery programmes implemented by the PNDC in and the proposal for district assemblies in were major elements in the government's strategy to address these fundamental and persistent problems.

Both were very much part of the national debate in Ghana in the late s. Under international and domestic pressure for a return to democracy, the PNDC allowed the establishment of a member Consultative Assembly made up of members representing geographic districts as well as established civic or business organizations. The assembly was charged to draw up a draft constitution to establish a fourth republic, using PNDC proposals. On 18 May, , the ban on party politics was lifted in preparation for multi-party elections. Presidential elections were held on 3 November and parliamentary elections on 29 December that year. Members of the opposition boycotted the parliamentary elections, however, which resulted in a seat Parliament with only 17 opposition party members and two independents.

The Constitution entered into force on 7 January, , to found the Fourth Republic. On that day, Rawlings was inaugurated as President and members of Parliament swore their oaths of office. In , the opposition fully contested the presidential and parliamentary elections , which were described as peaceful, free, and transparent by domestic and international observers. In addition, Rawlings' NDC party won of the Parliament's seats, just one seat short of the two-thirds majority needed to amend the Constitution, although the election returns of two parliamentary seats faced legal challenges.

The vice president was Aliu Mahama. The presidential election of was viewed as free and fair. The presidency of Kufuor saw several social reforms, such as the reform in the system of National Health Insurance of Ghana in After a run-off, John Atta Mills won the election. On 24 July , Ghana suffered a shocking blow when their president died. Power was then given to his vice-president, John Dramani Mahama. The National Democratic Congress won the election, making John Mahama rule again, his first term. John Atta Mills was sworn in as president on 7 January in a peaceful transition after Nana Akuffo Addo was narrowly defeated.

Following the Ghanaian presidential election, , John Dramani Mahama became President-elect and was inaugurated on 7 January As a result of the Ghanaian presidential election, , [] Nana Akufo-Addo became President-elect and was inaugurated as the fifth President of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and eighth President of Ghana on 7 January Portuguese Catholic missionaries arrived on the coast in the fifteenth century. Beginning their conversions in the coastal area and amongools as "nurseries of the church" in which an educated African class was trained. There are secondary schools today, especially exclusively boys and girls schools, that are mission- or church-related institutions.

Church schools have been opened to all since the state assumed financial responsibility for formal instruction under the Education Act of The unifying organization for most Christians is the Ghana Christian Council , founded in The Church opened the premier private and Christian University in Ghana. Islam in Ghana is based in the north, brought in by the commercial activities of Arab Muslims. Islam made its entry into the northern territories of modern Ghana around the fifteenth century. Berber traders and clerics carried the religion into the area. Traditional religions in Ghana have retained their influence because of their intimate relation to family loyalties and local mores. The traditional cosmology expresses belief in a supreme being referred as [Nyogmo-Ga, Mawu -Dangme and Ewe, Nyame-Twi] and the supreme being is usually thought of as remote from daily religious life and is, therefore, not directly worshipped.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on the. Kwame Nkrumah as Prime Minister. Main article: Bono state. Main article: Ashanti Empire. See also: Portuguese Gold Coast. Main article: Gold Coast British colony. Play media. Further information: Dominion of Ghana. Main article: History of Ghana — Further information: June 4th revolution in Ghana. Archived Introduction, spread and effects — History Textbook". Retrieved January 21, Aspects of The Bosporan Kingdom in the later Roman empire". Before Farming. ISSN Australian Journal of Crop Science. University of Queensland Library. Red Candle Press. ISBN Representative Bureaucracy in Action : — Peter is a national citizen of Ghana and is the dictator.

Ancient Ghana and Mali. Africa Renewal. Choice Reviews Online. April 1, Key labour market indicators have developed favourably in Korea although inactivity remains high". January 1, May 1, Early Music. So you create a narrative that fits what you choose to believe,' she wrote. The social media powerhouse also expressed that she was concerned about how she saw various individuals making up salacious subject matter and associating it with her behind her back.

She wrote, 'It is so old at this point. Without anyone knowing any facts. False statements: The designer spoke out against what she saw to be misinformation that had been spread about her. Fake narratives: The social media powerhouse also alleged that various individuals had been creating information about her without doing their research. Kardashian noted that the effort was alternatively concerning and offensive to her, as there were many aspects of her life that she did not readily bare to the rest of the world. People coming at me as if they know anything,' she expressed.

When one of her followers advised her to turn off her notifications, the designer agreed with the sentiment and reiterated that she was fed up over misinformation. This is just so unhealthy at times. It's outrageous how people feel they have the right to spread such trash and lies about other people. They do it so many people and it's terrible,' she noted. Feeling bad: The social media figure expressed that she was tired of 'people coming at me as if they know anything'.

Taking advice: She also expressed that she was planning on turning off her notifications and that social media felt 'so unhealthy at times'. Unbelievable: Kardashian went on to express that she thought the act of making up false information about her life was entirely 'outrageous'; she is seen in Another sarcastically commented that they did not know that Kardashian kept certain aspects of her life private, to which she responded: 'Ha! Believe it or not lol. The social media figure then replied to another comment and expressed that she was planning on being much less cordial when responding to hateful comments in the future. Because they give so many other people a different type of grace and understanding. I guess I got to start snapping a little more,' she noted.

One of her followers expressed that they had been staying away from social media in an effort to clear their mind, and Kardashian agreed with the sentiment, writing: 'Been on this vibe recently. My mental health needs it. Keeping it secret: The reality television personality went on to note that there were aspects of her life that she kept away from the press. A new approach: She also expressed that she would be much less cordial with her detractors in the future. Taking a break: Kardashian also responded to a fan who wrote that they had been keeping their distance from social media.

Signing off: Kardashian ended the conversation by writing that she loved most of her followers. She concluded the exchange with her fans by signing off for the evening, seemingly pointing out that most of them had been fair to her during the conversation. I love you! Kardashian appeared to take a sarcastic swipe at her detractors with a post that was shared to her Instagram Story that simply read: 'It's fun when you're confusing people. Changing her stance: Kardashian appeared to take a sarcastic swipe at her detractors with a message that read 'it's fun when you're confusing people' that was shared to her Instagram Story. The views expressed in the contents above are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of MailOnline.

Argos AO. Headlines U. Privacy Policy Feedback. Share this article Share. Comments Share what you think. View all. Bing Site Web Enter search term: Search. Get Me Out Of Here! Pregnant actress ties the knot with hairstylist Mark Hampton Women of my generation have never dreamt of putting our own desires first Model gets gracious tributes from the likes of Vogue and Dua Lipa while enjoying day with family eating Palestinian food Royal author detested by Charles had his files on the Prince stolen in a string of break-ins: ANTHONY HOLDEN says police told him it looked like the work of the security services Becca Kufrin and Thomas Jacobs are spotted for the first time since reconciling after splitting up on the finale of Bachelor in Paradise Stepping out Erika Jayne opts for casual pink sweats while shopping Police officer, 43, will be sacked after travelling 20 miles to go walking in Snowdonia during Covid Fashionably late?

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His programme has been described as the most ambitious ever proposed in West Africa up to Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium time. Retrieved 15 September Why Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium we building our own prison? He negotiated a special treaty with a number of Fante and other local chiefs that became The Architecture And Architecture Of Ancient Roman Architecture as the Bond of Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium views expressed in the Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium above are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of MailOnline. This lets Personal Narrative: My Fourth Year Of Belgium find the most appropriate writer for any type of assignment. In her second interview, she was joined by Robert F.

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